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During World War I, the rank and file of the Australian Imperial Force utilized humour in their social protests against both their officers and the military regimen. This paper looks at the expression of this humour through a variety of mediums and explores the value of humour in providing an outlet through which these men could vent their anger at the military system. It further seeks to highlight how the adoption of humour in social protests became a secure part of the Australian soldiers' "working" identity and how this was sustained throughout the war by the masculine image of the soldier. Further to this, the paper examines the decline in the use of humour in social protest amongst war veterans in the postwar era and its replacement by a more sombre attitude towards protests.

In 1912, the relatively new Australian government established the Australian Government Clothing Factory in South Melbourne to produce uniforms for their fledgling Army. In collaboration with the Defence Department, the factory became the driving force behind innovations, design specifications, approvals, and design protection. In times of high demand, scores of private clothing firms were contracted to deliver the required quantities of military garments. They were subject to detailed specifications describing the methods of manufacture. Innovations introduced by the Clothing Factory had long lasting effects upon the Australian clothing sector and the development of some industries, in particular the cotton industry. The manner in which these processes were managed is the subject of this paper. For the first time, archival documents provide clear evidence of the impact of the Clothing Factory's innovations and its intellectual property management of Australian military uniforms.

Security sector reform (SSR) has never been undebatable mostly because of the lack of local ownership. The burgeoning literature on 'infrastructures for peace' also stresses to 'localise' the way peacebuilding is exercised. But aviation, migration, economic and cyber issues at present 'deterritorialise' security - a fundamental pillar in peacebuilding. This article reviews SSR experiences in 10 post-war countries and explores the determinants of outcomes. It then examines the potentials in the 'infrastructures for peace' concept to complement or substitute such outcomes. It locates the determinants in three echelons: subject, peripheral and ideational context. Against the background of previous studies that concentrate on subject and ideational contexts, this article brings peripheral context into analysis that includes the power structures and international political contexts. Because security restructuring is not viable merely with informal infrastructures for peace, the article suggests such architectures need to rise above local boundaries to negotiate on security issues transnationally.

UK policies embrace the ideas of security-development nexus, but most scholarship on its engagement builds upon African cases. This paper examines the drivers, nature and implications of UK involvement with an Asian country, Nepal. The UK's position as the largest bilateral contributor and major peace and security donor among at least 21 others makes examination of its Nepal involvement imperative. This paper uses the grounded theory method and interpretivist analytical approach to create interactions between published and field information. Although the UK's persistent engagement and programme-based approach helped peacefully manage transition, this paper contends, institutional changes have been shallow and winning confidence remains strenuous.

Purpose - This chapter aims to explore the causes of civil war in West Africa, including the perspectives of those directly involved. both those involved voluntarily and those involved against their will. To this end, we examine the three contiguous war-afflicted coastal countries of Sierra Leone, Liberia and Ivory Coast and as a counterweight, Ghana which has escaped civil war. Methodology - Brief country case studies are used to explore the motivations of leaders and followers which often diverge. This chapter examines four West African countries: • Sierra Leone and Liberia, which have suffered classic brutal, 'third war' civil wars (Holsti, K. (Ed.). (1996). Wars of the third kind. In: The state, war and the state of war. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). • Ivory Coast, once seen as the West African 'beacon of stability' (Royce, E. (2003). Testimony. US House of Representatives Subcommittee on Africa, 2nd February, p. 12) but now suffering a seventh year of civil conflict. • Ghana, the counter case, which has so far survived multiple military coups without descending into national conflagration.

In 1979 I saw the film, 'The Deer Hunter'. As long as I can remember, I've had great personal difficulty with violence in any shape or form and this movie was extremely violent, based in large measure on the effect of the Vietnam War on a group of American friends. An early scene in the movie saw the ominous 'thud, thud, thud' of several helicopters coming through the jungle clearing, and the sound reverberated through my being. It was unnerving, frightening, terrifying and this was the mere suggestion of things to come. The initial impulse was to walk out of the theatre there and then, but I forced myself to stay believing that I had some sort of duty to know something of the horrors of war. This is what it's like for many 'baby boomers'. They have had no experience of war. At the conclusion of the movie I walked back outside into busy George Street, into the brilliant Sydney sunshine, trembling inwardly and shaking outwardly, incredulous that the city was carrying on regardless and quite oblivious to my fractured psyche. How on earth was it for the actual people who had experienced such terror? Barry Heard's book 'Well Done, Those Men', has a similar profound effect on those who read it.